Month: January 2022

I am an older member of the party than Benazir: Murtaza Bhutto

ldrees Bakhtiar and Hasan Iqbal Jafri

Updated 25 Apr, 2019 12:58am

It was 9:05 p.m. on June 5 when Mir Murtaza Bhutto stepped out of the District East Jail. As his Land Cruiser appeared before a restless crowd of over 2000, the only surviving son of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto waved his fist in the air in jubilation. After seven months of imprisonment and 16 years of exile, Murtaza Bhutto was finally free.

However, just as his return from exile and subsequent arrest last year had unleashed a flood of controversy, Murtaza’s recent release has provoked a fresh bout of intense speculation. Within 24 hours of his release, Murtaza Bhutto launched a blistering attack on his sister and brother-in-law. He called Asif Zardari and his friends, “Asif baba and 40 thieves,” and alleged that Zardari and his “cronies” were siphoning off billions of rupees in shady deals. He then went as far as to suggest that his sister’s government should be replaced with a “national government for five years”.

The Bhuttos have always been a controversial lot, but Murtaza is fast becoming the most controversial of them all …

It is becoming increasingly clear that Murtaza does not want to share power with his sister. It is also becoming apparent that the Pakistan People’s Party is heading towards some kind of a split. This division may not be as serious as the split within the Muslim League, but many political pundits are predicting that before long there will be two PPPs – one led by Benazir Bhutto and the other faction by her brother.

Murtaza’s comments on the army’s role in politics has also caused several eyebrows to be raised and many see his comments as an indication that Murtaza desires a reconciliation with the people whom he struggled against for the last 16 years.

In an exclusive interview with the Herald, Bhutto maps out his plans for the future of Pakistan and the Pakistan People’s Party and spells out his differences with the prime minister …

Herald. Are you or are you not a member of the Pakistan People’s Party?

Murtaza Bhutto. We formed the Shaheed Bhutto Committee for the purpose of getting a single election symbol, since I was running as an independent candidate and the party had not given me a ticket. I am a char anna member of the PPP and an older member of the party than Benazir.

Herald. In your last interview to the Herald you said there were no differences between you and your sister. But in your recent press conference you publicly accused Asif Zardari of corruption. Why have you changed your mind on this issue?

Bhutto. Earlier, there were constant questions as to whether there were any differences between me and Zardari. There were no personal differences. I had only met him twice and had not developed any relationship with him. But as events occurred, I realised to what extent he and his group have hijacked the party. That is when political differences arose. We do not want cronies, we want democracy in the party. We felt that the party had gone through a long struggle and many deserving people were not given tickets for the October elections.

Those who had struggled for the party deserved to sit in the assembly. But they were superseded by Zardari ‘s cronies. Party funds were usurped, these had to be accounted for. These political differences became more pronounced as time passed.

Herald. Do these differences with Zardari translate into differences with Benazir?

Bhutto. I am finding it more and more difficult to differentiate between the two. Either she wholeheartedly endorses the misdeeds going on within party ranks or she does not have a say in running the party. In either case, she has made herself the chairperson of the party, she has to take the ultimate blame and responsibility.

Herald. You say you are with the party that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto founded. Could you elaborate what that means?

Bhutto. The party that has emerged now has no resemblance to the party that Zulfikar Ali Bhutto founded, neither in principle nor in politics. The party ideology has been watered down. All sorts of adventurers and muckrakers have been brought into its ranks.

Old faithfuls have been sidelined. Policies are made in an arbritary manner. Forget that, the Karachi PPP’s president has been complaining that policies have been made without consulting him. The whole country’s policies have been formulated without any consultation. They have been decided by Mohtarma and a few of her cronies. This is not the way a modern democratic government functions.

Herald. But which party will you be working with?

Bhutto. I am with the PPP which has been mutilated by the people who have hijacked the party. We will reform this party and bring it in line with the party that Shaheed Bhutto founded.

Herald. Do you mean with the same type of ideology or the same type of people?

Bhutto. Ideology matters to us. Ideology is not a fashion. Roti, kapra aur makan is not out of fashion. At best you can progress beyond that stage. But our basic needs are not being fulfilled. In America, there was the debate of two chickens in a pot and two cars in every garage. Perhaps we could reach that stage.

I have not been in the country, but intuitively, I could tell that the basic needs of the people were not being met. Perhaps if Shaheed Bhutto was alive he would have said that rotikapra aur makan, and now water, are important. You talk about a social revolution, pie in the sky theories and abstract notions. We have not crossed the stage of roti, kapra aur makan. In fact we have fallen behind. Our infrastructure is falling apart.

Herald. How do you intend to reform the party when the CEC is the decision making body …

Bhutto. Where does the CEC come from? Yaari dosti main to nahi banti. We will go to the people, we will give them a programme. We will start a face to face contact with the people after Moharram. We will hold elections and there will be a membership drive from the ward and unit level to the CEC level. It will take some time.

Herald. You said in August that you will announce a socioeconomic package and that it was ready. What is the delay?

Bhutto. We have announced this many times. We have not put it in the form of a manifesto which we don’t think is necessary. But if it were to be committed to paper, it could be done in a few hours. We have stressed on the development of infrastructure rather than silly things like social contract because the infrastructure has completely collapsed.

Whatever was made 30 or 40 years ago is falling apart. We have stressed things like developing chicken farms, fisheries, increasing production by drip irrigation which has been successful in countries like Libya and Israel. We have stressed basic development and then we can talk about motorways, bullet trains and mass transit systems.

Herald. Do you have any personal differences with your sister over the family inheritance?

Bhutto. No not at all. The PM said that my mother will go to Switzerland for the Davos Conference. Immediately people said, ha! what does Switzerland have – chocolates and secret accounts. The impression was that there was this horde of gold or billions of dollars stashed there. There is nothing like that. My father had already distributed his property between us and our income is from agriculture. There is no dispute.

Herald. You said earlier that you have nothing to do with the PPP. That was taken by many as an indication that you are going your separate way.

Bhutto. At that stage our situation was different. Even now I am an independent member of the Sindh Assembly. They (PPP leaders) just didn’t want to give me a ticket. Each time they would choose some character and say vote for him because this seat is Murtaza Bhutto’s amanat. If it is Murtaza Bhutto’s amanat, at least consult Murtaza Bhutto.

They used a dual policy of threats and guilt. They said, “if you return, there are many cases against you. We will not be able to protect you.” The second tactic was guilt: “If you come home my government will fall. My struggle, my sacrifice, my jail, and house imprisonments will go to waste, now when we have a chance to serve the people.”

So I said serve the people.

Herald. But can you deny that Benazir has gone through a great deal of suffering?

Bhutto. I am not discrediting her. I am not at all belittling her role. She played a heroic role.

That’s why I agreed not to return. She said, if you come back we will forfeit the chance of serving the people. Then I thought, is my personal comfort or discomfort not important at all? How long should I stay out of the country? She said ‘when we can call you, we will call you.’ They wanted to dust me under the rug, that is what the policy was.

The main thing is that they entered into an alliance with the MQM, and the MOM goes on a rampage and massacres people. There were 212 private criminal cases filed against the MQM. And when the MQM said that they will withdraw their support, the government, with one stroke of the pen, withdrew all the cases. Then I realised that it is not my interest that they are looking out for. They are afraid for their own powers.

As I said Benazir underwent a heroic struggle. She was sent to prison in Sukkur and in Karachi, but the rest of the time was spent in this house (70 Clifton) and in AI Murtaza which is not exactly lacking in luxury – it is quite comfortable.

The ideal situation would be that Benazir remains unchallenged in party affairs. They can tango and cross horns with Nawaz Sharif till the end of the world. As long as I stay in Syria, I should not return to the country.

Herald. You stated very confidently that the government would not last beyond December? What lies behind this confidence?

Bhutto. I don’t see the government as staying beyond December. The rot has set in. When the decline comes, it is a Herculean task to reverse the rot and change things.

Herald. Since you are so confident that Benazir will not last beyond December, would you rather see Nawaz Sharif running the country?

Bhutto. No, they are both corrupt and inefficient.

Herald. Is that why you are pushing the “national government” line?

Bhutto. Absolutely. Benazir has come to power twice. The second time round her government is even more corrupt and inefficient. I don’t see any redeeming quality in Nawaz Sharif’s government either.

Herald. So where will the country find these honest people to head a national government?

Bhutto. In a country of 120 million people, I am sure they can find some people who can run the government efficiently and honestly for a full period of five years with the help of the establishment and the army. A caretaker [governement] cannot do anything.

Herald. Do you see yourself as part of this “national government?”

Bhutto. My decision to participate will depend on a·series of factors. Factors such as the agenda the government sets for itself, the timing as well as who the other members of the government are.

Herald. You have recently praised the role of the army in very glowing terms. How did you reach this verdict?

Bhutto. I praised the army’s nonintervention in politics.

Herald. Do you really believe that the army is not intervening in politics?

Bhutto. At least the army is not blatantly intervening in politics. At most our politicians are running to the army. They are dragging the army into politics.

Herald. During the recent strife, the army and the civilian government were taking decisions in consultation with each other. Who do you think is running this province?

Bhutto. The army has been given a constitutional role for this operation clean-up. I have been demanding that the operation should come to an end. Not that there is no problem, but the sooner it can be solved, the sooner the provincial government will learn to handle its affairs on its own. It would be better for the whole country.

Herald. You have just secured bail in a case in which you were charged by the navy, and the army too has lodged many cases against you. Why have you developed so much sympathy for an organisation that has been hounding you?

Herald. Because you have to differentiate between the army as an institution and martial law. When martial law was imposed in the country, we opposed it and will oppose it and continue to oppose it. But we do not oppose the institution of the army as such.

So, these cases were instituted by the martial law regime, these are not army cases. The Shahbander case was registered by the navy at the insistence of the interior ministry. It was Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto’s case against me. lt just happened to involve the navy.

I want to assure you that I am not backed by any intelligence agency nor do I seek any backing . I am not backed by the army, I only have regard for their professionalism.

Herald. So you are saying that as far as the army is concerned, their professionalism is admirable but their involvement, even covertly, in national politics is not acceptable?

Bhutto. I did not say that. If some things have become a fact of life because of 11 years of martial law … I am opposed to martial law. It has never served the national interest.

Herald. Some people have been of the view that your return to Pakistan, the cases against you and family dispute is nothing more than noora kushti?

Bhutto. Have you seen the World Wrestling Federation matches? That is noora kushti. Wrestlers will be slamming each other and beating each other up, but blood will not flow. In our case, blood was shed on the streets of Larkana. Once blood is shed, you can be sure that this is no noora kushti.

Herald. But even after that incident, Begum Nusrat Bhutto was sitting comfortably with Benazir Bhutto. The differences between them seemed to have fizzled out?

Bhutto. You will have to ask her about that. I was opposed to any kind of contact like this. Many efforts were made to establish contact. First it was done at the children’s level. My children were invited to birthday parties. But they are cousins, I don’t want to continue this conflict to the next generation.

But at the same time I don’t want to confuse my supporters either. It sends wrong signals. If Benazir wants to meet me, she has to come up with a serious political agenda.

Herald. I am slightly confused on one issue. You have said that there will be reforms within the party starting with the elections?

Bhutto. We will have a mass contact drive and then elections.

Herald. Who do you think you can trust amongst the present PPP leadership?

Bhutto. I trust all the people who are with us.

Herald. Who can you not trust?

Bhutto. In the false PPP, the most prominent minister is the one without a portfolio. He has not even been declared a minister. He runs the finance ministry, the interior ministry, home ministry and the province of Sindh. Hamara chief minister bhi to Islamabad mein hai!

Herald. So in the end, you are saying that you will form another party?

Bhutto. No, no, We are reforming the Pakistan Peoples Party.

Herald. But this would be a different PPP?

Bhutto. It will be different from the one which now holds power.


This article was published in the Herald’s June 1994 issue. To read more subscribe to the Herald in print.

https://herald.dawn.com/news/1398865

Key Question 15: How effective were Pakistan’s governments in the final decade of the 20th century?

  • Why did Nawaz Sharif oppose Benazir Bhutto?

Nawaz Sharif was a political rival of Benazir Bhutto and the leader of a coalition of 9 political parties called Islami Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI). One of the main parties in this coalition was Pakistan Muslim League which was headed by Nawaz Sharif. Benazir dominated in Sindh whereas Nawaz Sharif had his major support from Punjab.

Another important reason for this opposition was difference of political ideology. Nawaz Sharif rose to prominence with the support of General Zia-ul-Haq who was against Pakistan People’s Party. It meant Nawaz Sharif was also a natural rival to the PPP. Bhutto was a believer of socialism and Zia promoted Islamisation in Pakistan. Being the daughter of Bhutto and inheritor of his philosophy, Benazir was against Islamisation.

As a matter of fact, it was a power struggle between the two; they could have come to power only through opposing each other and promoting their own ideologies.

  • Who was Ghulam Ishaq Khan?

Ghulam Ishaq Khan was the chairman Senate when Zia-ul-Haq died in a plane crash. He was immediately appointed as the president by senior military officers. With the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution, allowing a president to dismiss the government, Ghulam Ishaq Khan was in a powerful position. He actually used this power twice to dismiss Benazir Bhutto in 1990 and Nawaz Sharif in 1993.

  • How did the no-confidence motion in 1989 weaken Benazir’s government?

Benazir Bhutto’s first term was marred by the opposition from Islami Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI) led by Nawaz Sharif. The endless confrontation between the two political rivals undermined her ability to govern.

Since she had formed a coalition government, one of the coalition parties MQM was not happy with the PPP, it broke off the coalition in September 1989 and sided with Nawaz Sharif. At that time (in October) Nawaz Sharif tabled a motion of no confidence against Benazir Bhutto in the National Assembly. The opposition mustered 107 votes in the 237 seat National Assembly, just 12 short of the 119 it needed to force Benazir Bhutto to step down. Although she had defeated the no-confidence motion, her government had been seriously damaged by this affair as it had exposed how vulnerable her coalition government was and it did not survive long afterward.

  • Why were there differences between Benazir Bhutto and (President) Ghulam Ishaq Khan?

Army under the leadership of General Zia had been against the PPP. When Zia attempted to liberalise his government in 1985, he made sure PPP should not reach the Assembly and form the government. However, due to sudden death of Gen. Zia in 1988, situations changed and Pakistan People’s Party emerged as the largest party in the elections.

Since the president (Ghulam Ishaq Khan) had been appointed in this position by the army, it was natural that Benazir was not a desirable candidate as the PM. The army and the intelligence agencies had extended their support to the Islami Jamhuri Ittehad led by Nawaz Sharif and they reluctantly accepted Benazir.

In the post Afghan war period, Pakistan had lost all financial and most diplomatic support from the west. It meant that an economy depended on foreign aid and loans would not do well and Benazir could not impress the people with a successful economic policy. This weakness of Benazir’s government was used by Ghulam Ishaq Khan to oppose her.

A major area of disagreement was over appointments to positions in the military and the judiciary. Ghulam Ishaq Khan considered that such appointments were the right of the President, not the Prime Minister. He refused to agree to several appointments and dismissals she wanted to make in the military and this caused further tension between them.

  • Why was Benazir’s first government dismissed?

In the province of Sindh, and especially in Karachi, Benazir Bhutto faced opposition from a former ally, the Mohajir Qaumi Mahaz or MQM (also called Mohajir Qaumi Movement). In December 1988, the PPP and the MQM had agreed on a coalition, however, they both had a very different approach to politics and government. Many MQM supporters did not like working with the PPP. There was frequent violence between the MQM and their opponents. This led to MQM’s getting out of the coalition (September 1989) and siding with Benazir’s rival Nawaz Sharif.

At the same time (October 1989) Nawaz Sharif tabled a motion of no-confidence against the government which greatly damaged it.

Benazir’s husband, Asif Ali Zardari was accused of taking rake-offs on government deals. The tales of corruption further weakened the government.

In the Pucca Qila area of Hyderabad, forty supporters of the MQM, including many women and children, were killed by the police. People were horrified as violence seemed to be out of control.

With growing unemployment and strikes from the opposition, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan took his chance and used the Eighth Amendment to dismiss Benazir’s government. He said his actions were justified because of corruption, incompetence and inaction. In fact, the President and the military had wanted for some time to remove her.

Benazir’s supporters claimed that her government had been deliberately weakened by those whose power and privileges her policies threatened. They also said that she was a victim of those traditionalists who would not accept a woman as head of the government.

  • Were the challenges facing Benazir Bhutto in Sindh the main reason why she left office in 1990? Explain your answer.

Two explanations, one on the challenges in Sindh and one on another reason are worth 9 marks. Additional explanations awarded up to 13 marks

e.g.

Sindh

• Well educated muhajirs opposed the special rights for Sindhis introduced by Benazir Bhutto and increasingly supported the Muhajir Quami Movement (MQM).

• Sindh was an area of growing opposition to the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and growing support for the MQM.

• Benazir Bhutto tried in vain to gain the support of the MQM to form a coalition government by promising to protect the interests of all the people of Sindh.

Other challenges

• Her government was damaged by an unsuccessful no-confidence motion tabled by opposition parties including Islami Jamhuri Ittehad (IJI) led by Nawaz Sharif.

• President Ghulam Ishaq Khan refused to appoint the judges and military personnel she wished, making it difficult for her to govern Pakistan effectively.

• Promised economic development programmes and social and health reforms did not produce the effects hoped for. The government lost support as unemployment, inflation and population grew rapidly making progress difficult.

• Accusations from political opponents regarding mismanagement leading to the arrest and jailing of her husband Asif Ali Zardari. Further rumours weakened the government enabling President Ghulam Ishaq Khan to use the Eighth Amendment to dismiss the government in 1990.

Write your evaluation / judgment.

  • To what extent did Benazir Bhutto’s privatisation policy contribute to the government being replaced in 1996? Explain your answer.

Indicative content

May agree that the privatisation policy was the main contributory factor:

• Benazir Bhutto wanted to extend the privatisation of industries

• planned privatisations included banks, power and telecommunications

• she was criticised for doing this by wealthy industrialists and politicians from all sides

• government officials made it harder to privatise nationalised industries

Counter-arguments might include:

• Benazir Bhutto did not introduce the PPP’s social policies

• multiple economic problems including unemployment and inflation

• strikes and protests were organised by the opposition in 1994

• GDP and manufacturing growth rates slowed

• the strict economic policies imposed on Pakistan by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in return for a loan

• the rupee was devalued

• the USA’s financial and military embargo began to affect the economy

• the government was inefficient

• a lack of unity within the government

Other relevant responses should also be credited.

Write your judgment / evaluation.

  • How did the failure of financial institutions damage Nawaz Sharif’s first government?

Two serious banking scandals led to many people losing money and criticism of the government. The Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) had been set up in 1972 by Pakistani banker, Agha Hasan Abedi. It had close links to many prominent people. Nawaz Sharif’s family company, Ittefaq Industreis, was a major customer. Despite being a worldwide bank, it remained essentially a Pakistani institution employing thousands of Pakistanis. BCCI collapsed in 1991 when the Bank of England closed their operations with allegations of massive losses, fraud, widespread criminality, and money laundering. The collapse was a great shock – people simply couldn’t believe it. However, Nawaz Sharif allowed BCCI branches in Pakistan to operate for several months. There were many accusations that Pakistani businessmen and politicians had made huge profits from the bank’s illegal activities. Pakistan also refused to extradite the bank’s founder, Agha Hasan Abedi, to face charges in the USA.

To help businesses flourish, the government cut back on regulations and allowed them more freedom to do what they wanted. However, as the economy grew so did corruption. In 1991 four financial cooperatives in the Punjab, the Pakistan Cooperative Societies collapsed. It was said that government regulation had not been good enough. There were allegations that public money had been misused. More than two million people lost their savings, including some who had invested their entire life savings. Perhaps as much as Rs. 23 billion was lost. Two of the cooperatives were controlled by relatives of Nawaz Sharif. The failure of the National Industrial Cooperative Credit Company was the biggest ever financial collapse in Pakistan. Nawaz Sharif’s family company borrowed from these cooperatives. An official enquiry, headed by a judge, Afzal Lone, cleared them of any wrongdoing but it further damaged the sanding of the prime minister.

  • What happened at Kargil in 1999?

By 1999, after the deaths of thousands of Kashmiris, Pakistan and India appeared again to be on the brink of war. In 1999 Pakistan troops tried to gain control of the mountainous Kargil region of Kashmir. At first Pakistan denied any involvement. The fighters, they said, were Kashmiri ‘freedom fighters’. But it was soon apparent that it was a well-planned army action. After early successes, Pakistani forces were driven back. The retreat did not only bring humiliation for the army but the country suffered diplomatically as well.

  • Why was Nawaz Sharif overthrown by the army in 1999?

Just two months after a bilateral dialogue between the prime ministers of India and Pakistan (February 1999), both nations were on the brink of another war (May 1999) at Kargil (Indian held Kashmir). Obviously it was army’s own decision to cross the Line of Control for a military action through bypassing the prime minister; Nawaz Sharif could not have made such a decision two months after signing a peace agreement with India.

The Army Chief, General Musharraf was angered by the retreat of his forces due to a strong Indian response at Kargil and the loss of diplomatic support for Pakistan from the international community. He was perhaps angrier at the peace agreement (the Lahore Declaration) signed between India and Pakistan without consulting the army. This confrontation between the army and the democratic government led to the overthrow of Nawaz Sharif’s government and an imposition of the 4th military rule under General Parvez Musharraf on 12 October 1999.

  • Was the collapse of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) the main reason for the government ending in 1993? Explain your answer.

Two explanations, one on the achievements and one on another reason, are worth nine marks. Additional explanations awarded up to 13 marks

e.g.

BCCI

• The collapse of BCCI bank in 1991 led to investors losing huge sums of money harming Pakistan’s finances. This caused the government to lose a lot of political support.

Other

• US had provided support during the Soviet-Afghan war, which was reduced when the war ended causing economic problems;

• US aid was restricted when the USA tried to pressurise Pakistan into ending the nuclear programme causing further economic problems;

• Support for Afghan warlords had led to guns becoming freely available increasing crime, kidnappings and murder. There were also drug problems associated with refugees from the Soviet-Afghan war flooding into towns and cities. Both increased pressure on the government;

• The government lost support over the ‘Cooperative Societies scandal’. In Punjab alone 700 000 people lost their savings when the state cooperative society went bankrupt.;

• The Shariat Bill was unpopular with groups in the alliance who wanted Islam to play an even greater role in government and others in opposition who wanted it decreased

Attempt the following:

  • How successful were the policies of Benazir Bhutto in both governments?
  • How successful were the policies of Nawaz Sharif in both governments?
  • Do you agree that the period 1988 – 99 was one in which Pakistan made little significant progress? Give reasons for your answer.